Mariana Rodriguez Pareja2013-05-18T09:11:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.voces.huffingtonpost.com/author/index.php?author=mariana-rodriguez-parejaCopyright 2008, HuffingtonPost.com, Inc.HuffingtonPost Blogger Feed for Mariana Rodriguez ParejaGood old fashioned elbow grease.Sudan: Arrest Warrant Against President Turned 9 Yearstag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.28548172013-03-13T12:49:56-04:002013-05-13T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
However, this is not the case for the Sudan: the current Head of State -- Omar al-Bashir is subject to two arrest warrants for massive human rights violations committed in the Western province of Darfur.
On June 30, 1989, al-Bashir staged a coup d'état and deposed President al- Sayyid Ahmad Al-Mighani and Premier Sadiq- al Mahdi. Consequently, he split up the Revolutionary Command Council and appointed himself President of the Republic of Sudan, transforming it into a single Muslim state.
Civil conflict broke out in the Darfur region in 2003, resulting in the commission of several crimes -- including genocide. The Darfuri refugees had to flee to Chad after a Sudanese government supported militia, the Janjaweed, started killing civilians. This raised the attention of the international community, and the situation was considered by the UNSC as a "threat to peace and international security." For that reason, the International Criminal Court (ICC) was called to investigate the situation for the first time in history via a formal request provided under resolution 1593 (2005), binding on all states that are member to the United Nations.
Following the request and a careful examination of the evidence provided, the Pre-Trial Chamber 1 issued arrest warrants. The first one against al-Bashir is dated March 4, 2009, for crimes against humanity and war crimes, such as intentionally directing attacks against a civil population as such or against individual civilians not taking part in hostilities; pillage as a war crime; murder as crime against humanity; extermination, forcible transfer, torture and rape as crimes against humanity. The second arrest warrant was issued by the same pre-trial chamber on July 12, 2010. This one is for charges of genocide, including genocide by killing; genocide by causing serious bodily or mental harm; and genocide by deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about physical destruction.
Both arrest warrants refer to crimes allegedly committed in Darfur. President al-Bashir remains at large, and the refusal of the Sudanese government to cooperate with the Court has been consistent ever since.
It is important that al-Bashir answers for the crimes he is accused of in front of an impartial and independent court of law, such as the ICC. He will not be the first Sudanese suspect to appear before the ICC. Previously, Bahr Idriss Abu Garda, accused of committing war crimes in the Darfur region, voluntarily appeared before Pre-Trial Chamber 1 in 2009, in response to a summons. He appeared before the ICC due to his conviction that he is innocent of the charges brought against him. In 2010, the same Pre- Trial Chamber refused to confirm charges against Abu Garda. Given that, if al-Bashir would like to deny the charges against him, he should declare his innocence before the ICC as Abu Garda did in the past. While the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC has a right to appeal the decision of the judges, the point is that a fair and impartial process will be taken, as it was in the case of Abu Garda. In addition, Sudan has the duty to honor the existing obligations emerging from its membership to the United Nations, one of which includes complying with the UN Security Council resolutions.
But that will not happen until all of us, as an international community, honor our promise made in Rome to end impunity for the most serious crimes of international concern when the funding treaty of the ICC was adopted by an overwhelming majority of states.
The ICC needs cooperation from States at all levels. In order to be effective and truly fight against global impunity, the Court needs to be able to rely on the cooperation it can receive from states and all relevant stakeholders, including also international and regional organizations. The ICC has no police force and no prisons. As per the Statute, states are responsible for arresting and surrendering ICC suspects to the Court, in gathering evidence, providing security to victims, and gaining access to crime sites, among many others.
Effective cooperation is one of the commitments governments assume as they become parties to the Rome Statute: it is the only way states will ensure the enforcement of the Court's work, decisions, and rulings. Finally, state-wide toleration instances of non cooperation constitute a blatant breach of international law.
We have to prevent this from happening; otherwise, we will be condoning impunity- which is exactly the opposite of we all seek.
This post was co-authored with Stephen A. Lamony, Senior Advisor to the Coalition for the International Criminal Court.]]>ICC Indictee Set to Travel to Ethiopiatag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.28400312013-03-11T13:02:36-04:002013-05-11T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/media reports indicate that the current governor of South Kordofan, Ahmed Haroun, may head Sudan's delegation to the upcoming negotiations with rebels from Sudan People Liberation Movement North (SPLM-N). News of a governor of an important province heading a delegation would not normally be a headline, however, the governor is an alleged war criminal in this case.
Ahmed Haroun, also known as "The Butcher of Nuba", is subject to an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for serious charges, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. He has served in senior official capacities in the Sudan for more than a decade.
Haroun, a lawyer by training, joined politics at a young age. He was the youngest Minister of State in the government. From 2003-2005, he was a state minister for the Interior and allegedly in charge of the management of the "Darfur Security Desk", thereby coordinating the different government bodies involved in the counter-insurgency. It is highly likely that he must have been aware of the situation in Darfur during that difficult period. Later on, he was appointed Minister of State for Humanitarian Affairs, following his stint at the Ministry of the Interior.
Currently, he is the governor of South Kordofan, the province that lies to the west of Darfur and to the north of South Sudan, encompassing key border regions like Abyei whose status remains unresolved. Over these same regions, Haroun has allegedly recruited tribal militias to try ensure -through violent means- that Abyei and its oil-rich fields remain part of the Sudan and do not effectively exercise a referendum under the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), which could result in it joining South Sudan. Alleged human rights violations occur in South Kordofan on a daily basis with total impunity for the perpetrators. Victims in the Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan remember Haroun all too well from the 1990s, when he was more commonly known as the "Butcher of the Nuba."
In 2007, the ICC judges issued an arrest warrant for Haroun for 42 counts for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Since that period, he openly defied the ICC and its former Chief Prosecutor Moreno Ocampo, firing off false accusations at both the institution and the former Prosecutor.
Despite the charges leveled against him, he has not -- until this moment -- set foot outside of the Sudan, allegedly fearing he could be apprehended. If he travels to Ethiopia to participate in talks at the AU summit, it would be his first known trip outside the country since the issuance of an arrest warrant against him.
Although Ethiopia is not a state party to the Rome Statute, it is a member state to the United Nations. Therefore, it has the obligation to comply with Resolution 1593/2005 since this was a Chapter VII resolution, which is considered legally binding upon all member states. This resolution "advised all states and concerned regional & international organizations to cooperate fully with the court and prosecutor. "
As noted in her latest presentation at the UN Security Council, the ICC Prosecutor Ms. Fatou Bensouda recalled that the Council referred the situation to the Court because of the firm belief "that the justice process is an essential component of any strategy aiming at truly stopping ongoing crimes and achieving peace in Darfur."
This statement could not be more timely: How many more have to be killed in order to have Ethiopia and other members states of the UN comply with the UNSC 1593? Cooperation is needed at all fronts, first and foremost at the UN, especially when we are talking about massive human rights violations that affected the lives of more than 2.5 million people.
The UN needs to take tougher action on member states that deliberately disrespect their obligations. This will hopefully deter other suspects from Darfur, Sudan from visiting other member states of the UN.
Article co-authored with Stephen A. Lamony, Senior Advisor of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC).]]>Hoy, mas que nuncatag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.28397932013-03-08T17:07:44-05:002013-05-08T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
"Una manera de poder avanzar en la protección de la mujer es por medio de la ratificación del Estatuto de Roma de la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) y poniendo en práctica las regulaciones de género a nivel nacional," dijo desde Nueva York, Jelena Pia-Comella, Directora de Programa de la Coalición por la Corte Penal Internacional. Y su afirmación es totalmente correcta: la ratificación del Estatuto de Roma de la CPI es una forma más de proteger a las mujeres y de poner un freno a la impunidad de los crímenes más serios de la conciencia humana.
A lo largo de la historia- y también, lo vivimos a diario, con sólo leer las noticias en Siria, Darfur y otras partes del mundo- las mujeres y los niños, constituyen un grupo vulnerable en los conflictos armados, internos e internacionales. Al ser parte del Estatuto de Roma, los Estados se comprometen a incorporar a sus sistemas penales nacionales los nuevos estándares que establece la Corte Penal Internacional, así como las normas que faciliten la asistencia y la cooperación entre el Tribunal y el Estado.
Pero en particular, el Estatuto de Roma innova en cuanto a la cuestión de género porque lo define conceptualmente. Si bien es una definición incompleta, es el primer instrumento internacional en hacerlo. Asimismo, identifica crímenes en contra de las mujeres como crímenes de lesa humanidad, crímenes de guerra y, en algunas instancias, genocidio. También, crea las condiciones para que se modifiquen las legislaciones nacionales y para que incorporen los nuevos estándares jurídicos internacionales relacionados con violencia sexual y de género, creando nuevas formas de procedimiento y prueba para las víctimas de violencia sexual, asegurándoles la debida protección y reparación.
Si bien tanto los hombres como las mujeres pueden ser víctimas de la mayoría de de los delitos tipificados en el Estatuto de Roma, algunos de ellos, como el embarazo forzado, sólo se pueden cometer contra las mujeres, y las violaciones y las agresiones sexuales se cometen contra ellas de manera desproporcionada.
El sistema del Estatuto de Roma logró que la cuestión de género sea tratada con la seriedad merecida, puesto que la temática de género es transversal en sistema de la Corte Penal Internacional: en su estructura, en los crímenes que trata y en su gestión. Sería ideal que todos nuestros países se unan a este instrumento y que repliquen a nivel nacional los estándares allí delineados.
Aún restan países por ratificar estes instrumento en nuestra región, y la mayoría aún no ha llevado a nivel local las reformas necesarias. Hoy, más que nunca, les pido me ayuden a pedirles a los gobiernos de nuestra región a que se unan al Estatuto de Roma.
Es una forma también de conformar un frente indestructible contra la impunidad.]]>Al-Bashir to Visit Chad... Againtag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.27508462013-02-27T12:23:16-05:002013-04-29T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD). Now, Al-Bashir is reportedly planning another official visit to Ndjamena in mid-March to attend the African Green Belt Conference. If Chad hosts Al-Bashir once again without arresting him, Chad will have the dubious distinction of being the first state party to welcome a wanted fugitive on its territory twice in less than two months.
On February 22, 2013, following the visit of President Al-Bashir to Chad, ICC judges of pre-trial Chamber II concluded that Chad failed to cooperate with the Court and requested the office of the Registrar of the ICC to demand an explanation from Chad by March 14, 2013, as to why Chad failed to arrest Al Bashir or consult with the court if they had difficulties in arresting the suspect.
Al-Bashir is subject to two arrest warrants issued against him, one for crimes against humanity and war crimes, and another one for genocide. Bashir's visit to Chad would be his fourth in four years since the arrest warrants were issued despite Chad being a state party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), which carries with it obligations to arrest and surrender any ICC suspect. During Bashir's recent visit in February, Chad failed to arrest the Sudanese President thus violating its obligation to fully cooperate with the Court, leading to outcries not only from African and international civil society organizations but also the European Union, the Assembly of States Parties of the ICC and other states parties to the Rome Statute.
It ought to be noted that it is only since 2010 that Chad started breaching its obligations to the ICC. In 2009, Chad was the first African country which entered a reservation in the AU decision of the summer of 2009 when a decision was made not to cooperate with the ICC. Chad changed its negative image and joined the five African states which denied Bashir entry to their countries.
In November 2012, while presenting her second report on the situation in Darfur to the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), ICC Prosecutor Ms. Fatou Bensouda informed members of the Security Council that civilians in Darfur continue to be targeted by Sudanese armed forces. She specifically pointed out the use of aerial bombardment -- which constitutes a clear violation of several UNSC resolutions -- and ground attacks intentionally targeting civilians.
The conflict in Darfur which broke out exactly 10 years ago, has affected the lives of more than 2.5 million people and those who allegedly bear the most responsibility and are sought by the ICC remain at large. Apart from President Al-Bashir, Sudanese Defense Minister Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein, the-current Governor of South Kordofan Ahmad Harun -- also known as the 'butcher of Nuba' and Ali Kushayb -- known as the 'Colonel of Colonels' are also subject to arrest warrants and have yet to be arrested. .
Regrettably, the violence seems to be increasing in the past weeks in the region, so does the impunity. Therefore, the commitment of the international community -- who under the authority of the UNSC referred the situation in Darfur to the ICC in 2005 -- must prevail.
Cooperation at a technical, diplomatic and political level with the ICC is therefore essential for the correct functioning of the Court and greatly needed to put an end to the impunity. States, such as Chad, should not only honor their obligations to arrest any person subject to an ICC arrest warrant, regardless of their official capacity, but also honor their promise to fight against impunity as they committed themselves to do when they joined the ICC treaty.
This post was co-written with Stephen A. Lamony, Senior Advisor to the Coalition for the International Criminal Court. ]]>Chad Must Cooperate With the International Criminal Courttag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.26965822013-02-19T12:33:03-05:002013-04-21T05:12:02-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/should not be breaking news, unless the visiting president happens to be subject to an arrest warrant for heinous crimes and the host country is a state party to the Court that issued those warrants.
At this moment, the Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir is in Chad attending the Summit of the Community of Sahel-Saharan States. Al-Bashir has been indicted for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court (ICC).
His visit flouts the authority of both the UN Security Council (UNSC) and the decision of the ICC.
The ICC began the investigation in the region of Darfur, upon a referral by the UNSC in 2005. The Court, after carrying out an exhaustive examination decided to issue five arrest warrants against those who bear the greatest responsibility for the crimes committed in the region. Two arrest warrants were issued for the President Al-Bashir; his former Interior Minister (and current Defense Minister), Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein; the current Governor of South Kordofan, Ahmad Harun; and Ali Kushayb, a Janjaweed leader.
All of them remain at large.
President Al-Bashir has been openly defying the ICC since the UN Security Council asked this permanent and independent court to investigate the situation in the Darfur. According to the UN body, the situation "constituted a threat to international peace and security" and decided "that the Government of Sudan and all other parties to the conflict in Darfur shall cooperate fully with and provide any necessary assistance to the Court and the Prosecutor pursuant to this resolution and, while recognizing that States not party to the Rome Statute have no obligation under the Statute, urges all States and concerned regional and other international organizations to cooperate fully."
But, Al-Bashir's rejection of the ICC was made public on several occasions, including firing off false accusations to the former ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo and to states such as Costa Rica who support the apprehension of war criminals.
Since the arrest warrants were issued, we have seen Al-Bashir being invited to and participating in different events. Regrettably, these events are occasionally in ICC states parties. One of those states is Chad, which as a state party to the ICC, should cooperate fully with the International Criminal Court. That cooperation includes the execution of the arrest warrants issued by the Court.
The fact that Al-Bashir is in Chad today for the third time since the issuance of the warrants and he has not yet been arrested is reprehensible.
"When it comes to crimes against humanity, no one is above the law," stated Michelle Kissenkoetter, UN Representative for the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH). "The fact that Al-Bashir is a sitting president does not absolve him from facing justice. It's an even greater shame that a head of state would disregard international law and deny his people justice. Chad is therefore obligated to arrest Al-Bashir; not doing so would be an affront to the hundreds of thousands of victims in Darfur."
The president of the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), the governing body of the ICC, Ambassador Tiina Intelmann clearly explained, "Preventing instances of non-cooperation should be a committed effort by all states parties at all levels, whether the support be political, diplomatic, or technical." From her office, she has carried out exhaustive efforts, recalling the Court's communication to Chad on non-cooperation from previous years and the consideration that this specific topic had in the last meeting of the states members to the ICC.
"All relevant actors in states parties, regional organizations, and civil society should join efforts to prevent these breaches of international law, such as Bashir demonstrated in his visit to Chad," said Intelmann, who welcomed the letter sent by the European Parliament and the initiative carried out by a group of approximately a hundred NGOs, asking Chad to comply with its international obligations.
States should be aware that the conflict in the western region of Darfur has affected the lives of over 2.5 million people, and despite efforts, the conflict that broke in 2003 is still ongoing and seemingly never-ending. As a result, we continue to witness hundreds of women being raped, widespread and systematic violence taking place in nearly every form imaginable, and total lack of accountability for the crimes committed.
Let's take a stand. We cannot continue to fail the victims of these atrocities.]]>Will Chad Harbor ICC Indictee Al Bashir?tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.26649152013-02-13T11:34:06-05:002013-04-15T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/Sudanese Media Center, International Criminal Court (ICC) indictee President Omar Al-Bashir will be visiting Chad this coming weekend to participate in the Summit of the Community of Sahel-Saharan States. The same article, adds that after this visit, the Sudanese President will be visiting Libya to participate in the celebrations of the 17 February Revolution.
If this information were true, then, Chad would not be complying -- for the third time -- with its obligation to enforce the outstanding arrests warrants issued by the ICC against President Omar Al Bashir. The Sudanese president is subject to two arrest warrants for atrocities committed against his own people, in Darfur.
The first arrest warrant was issued in March 2009 on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The second -- issued in July 2010 -- was on charges of genocide. According to the latest report by ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda to the UN Security Council (UNSC), Darfur's civilian population continues to be targeted by government forces, with the ongoing widespread occurrence of sexual and gender based violence, crimes against human rights defenders, civil society members and community leaders.
The ICC has been involved in the Darfur situation, following upon a formal request of the UNSC since 2005. According to the letter of the Resolution 1593/95, the situation in Sudan was a "threat to international peace and security." Therefore, States members to the UN ought to demonstrate their respect for the UNSC acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and comply with the obligation to cooperate fully with the ICC.
Furthermore, Chad as a state party to the ICC has the obligation to cooperate with the Court. Mostly given the fact that the Court has no police to enforce its decisions and it relies on States to help in the arrest of persons whom arrest warrants have been issued. Therefore, cooperation from States is crucial: in case Bashir steps a foot in Chad, the country should execute the arrest warrant and arrest the Sudanese President immediately.
Sadly, this would not be the first time Al-Bashir visits a state party since he has been indicted by the ICC for hideous crimes: he visited Chad twice (in 2010 and in 2011). He also visited other States Parties that also failed in their obligations: Djibouti (2011), Kenya (2010) and Malawi (2011).
After he paid his second visit to Chad in 2011, the ICC decided that the country had not met "its obligation to fully cooperate with the court by failing to arrest and surrender Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir during his visit". Following its decision, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber 1 referred the matter to the UNSC and to the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statue, the governing body of the Court.
"By allowing Al Bashir to visit, the Chadian government has again violated its obligations under the Rome Statute to execute the ICC's arrest warrants," said Stephen Lamony, Senior Adviser to the NGO Coalition for the International Criminal Court -- "If Al Bashir does enter the Chadian territory, the United Nations Security Council and the Assembly of States Parties should act promptly take the measures they deem appropriate to ensure full cooperation with the ICC".
Hosting Bashir is being accomplice to a genocidal regime that continues to kill and rape its own population with total impunity. The conflict has already affected the lives of over 2.5 million people.
"The fact that Al Bashir can repeatedly travel to Chad without ever worrying about being arrested is another insult to Darfuri victims," stated Linda Gueye, Head of Communications at the Coalition. "Al Bashir will once again benefit from media attention while victims will continue to suffer in silence".
If we, as international community are committed to stop Bashir, stop the slaughter of civilians, the rape and the starvation, then, political reasons should not continue to interfere with but should respect and implement judicial decisions, such as the one taken by the ICC when it issued two arrest warrants for Bashir.
Chad should arrest Bashir.
It was the first state to harbor Bashir after the first arrest warrant was issued. Now, it has the chance to change history and become the country that arrested and surrendered Bashir to the ICC.]]>The Colonel of Colonels, at Large and Recruiting Militiastag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.25434062013-01-25T15:30:04-05:002013-03-27T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/Darfur is not new, and despite some international attention and efforts by human rights activists to stop this ongoing (and apparently never-ending) conflict, it has ruined the lives of over a half million people, with thousands of women being raped, widespread and systematic violence taking place in nearly every form imaginable.
The ICC -- complying with the Resolution 1593 of the UNSC in 2005 -- began the investigation in the region of Darfur and decided to issue five arrest warrants against those who bear the greatest responsibility. Two arrest warrants were issued for the President of the country Omer Hassan al-Bashir, one for his interior, now defense minister Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Hussein, one for the-now Governor of South Kordofan Ahmad Harun and one for Ali Kushayb. All of them remain at large.
The response from the Sudanese government is total rejection of the Court, with officials regularly firing off false accusations to the now former Prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo and even to States who would talk about the apprehension of the war criminals.
Just a few days ago, Radio Dabanga reported that, according to eyewitness, Ali Kushayb has started to mobilize new people in Taham and Umm Nunu, on the border between West and South Darfur.
So, it seems the Janjaweed commander is back to what he does best: recruiting militias in order to train them to commit international crimes against civilian populations.
Ali Mohamed Ali Abdel-Rahman or Ali Kushayb, also known as "The Colonel of Colonels" and "Chief of the Religious Combatants" is a Janjaweed commander who has fought alongside Sudanese government forces in the Mukjar/Wadi Saleh area in West Darfur since 2003. He has been indicted for 50 counts, including 22 counts of crimes against humanity and 28 counts of war crimes. For those who are not familiar with what these crimes entail, they include assassinations, rapes and outrages upon the personal dignity of women and girls, and the forced displacement of people, most of them committed during attacks against four towns and villages, namely Kodoom, Bindisi, Mukjar and Arawala. These crimes were committed against civilians primarily from the Fur, Zaghawa and Masalit populations. They likely represent only a small sample of Kushayb's activities.
His indictment came two years after the referral by the UN Security Council to the ICC in 2005. In 2008, the Sudanese authorities allegedly arrested Kushayb and released him afterwards, saying that he would "be held accountable for his crimes before a local court." That never happened. Eyewitnesses in Khartoum told the press that Kushayb was never locked up and even it was reported that his arrest was a publicity stunt to distract attention. Now, this man is openly recruiting militias in the Sudan with total impunity.
The international community must insist on the execution of his arrest warrant, issued in 2007, and must insist that the Government of the Sudan hand him over to the Court for a fair trial. It is the least the international community can do for the reportedly near 500,000 people killed in Darfur, and the millions displaced.]]>Argentina: Sparks Around Alleged 'New Year's Celebration' at Former Torture Centertag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24420492013-01-18T15:54:25-05:002013-03-20T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/"end-of-the-year" barbecue at the premises of the former clandestine detention center Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada (ESMA) -- currently the Museum of the Memory. Part of the opposition and several human rights organizations condemned the celebration: some did it with a high degree of opportunism, while others took the opportunity to make more substantial complaints about the current government.
The ESMA is a former navy school that turned into the biggest clandestine detention centre during the military dictatorship (1976-1983), in which it is estimated that more than 5,000 people were arbitrarily detained, tortured and 'disappeared' at this facility. Fewer than 200 of these are believed to have survived. Many of those detained at these premises were thrown into the nearby Río de la Plata from airplanes, as a part of the infamous Death Flights. Nowadays, the ESMA serves as a human rights memorial.
More than 600 cases have been brought to federal courts since the Trial of the Juntas in 1985. This process of justice was quickly truncated in 1986 when the National Congress approved the laws of Full Stop and Due Obedience. These laws prevented national courts from investigating mid- and low-level military members for their actions during the dictatorship. Likewise, those who were not included within the standards outlined by these laws benefited from the presidential pardons of Carlos Menem in 1989 and 1990.
Nevertheless, as a part of his clear pursuit of justice and memory, former President Kirchner sent a law to Congress in 2003 that declared the amnesty laws null and provided constitutional status to the Convention on War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity. Another breakthrough occurred in 2006 when the Supreme Court declared the laws of Full Stop and Due Obedience unconstitutional. This opened the way for new trials for international crimes and human rights violations, and in this scenario the so-called "ESMA Mega-trial" (divided into three parts) began. The third one has not yet finished.
The spark between the government and the opposition is around a barbecue. Yes: a barbecue. On December 27th, the Justice Minister held a gathering at the ESMA. This was taken as an offence by several victims and their relatives. Even in an off-the-record conversation we held with a relative of a "desaparecido," she argued that "it would be unthinkable to hold a celebration at Auschwitz" and that the "government has accumulated power for running the country for almost 10 years and has taken as theirs the struggle of the human rights movement in the country." She said nobody apologized to her.
The barbeque does not really matter to us. There is certain grim coincidence in terms of that when those who tortured referred to "barbeque" they were really talking about the people were to be executed.
We are not offended. We are not concerned about music, arts and performances at the ESMA. In fact there have been many over the years and nobody said anything about it. We believe that the future of the ex-ESMA is yet to be defined.
What is really interesting is that this celebration was part of a government activity. And this is why some sectors of the opposition felt offended: the policy towards human rights adopted by the government is to own the human rights movement. Yet, this movement does not belong to any government or political party. The achievements of the human rights movement belong to the organizations and citizens that have fought for justice, memory and truth for many years now, not a president and his or her cabinet. This is why some critics argue that the government is reluctant to acknowledge the work of the local Truth Commission (CONADEP) and the brave and unique Trial against the Military Juntas.
We believe that what the concept of human rights exceeds their ownership. Justice, truth and memory are fundamental for Argentina's recovery from year of dictatorship. The current government has undertaken several efforts toward that regard -- but it is not enough -- and their mandate is much broader. They should also comply with other international human rights obligations and inter American recommendations that have not yet seen the light.
These are as urgent as keeping the memory at ESMA alive.
The coauthor is Matias Bianchi, Director of Asuntos del Sur @matiasfbianchi]]>Sara Kruzan, más cerca de lograr su libertadtag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.25065492013-01-18T15:41:52-05:002013-03-20T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
Según trascendió en la prensa estadounidense, Sara Kruzan - quien fue acusada y condenada por asesinar a su proxeneta en 1994- podría lograr pronto su libertad. De acuerdo con sus abogados, se llegó a un acuerdo el 18 de enero en la Corte de Riverside que reduciría su condena a 19 años por haber cambiado la tipificación del hecho por el cual fue condenada al de asesinato en segundo grado con uso de arma de fuego.
Puesto que Sara ya ha estado presa por casi 19 años este nuevo desarrollo podría ser el que logre que sea puesta en libertad condicional en breve. Sus abogados ya se han puesto a trabajar en búsqueda de lograr una audiencia por su libertad condicional, lo que se calcula podría llegar a suceder dentro del termino de 6 meses.
Este avance fue celebrado no solo por la familia de Sara, sino por varios activistas y abolicionistas de Estados Unidos. No es un hecho menor: Sara asesinó al hombre que la explotó sexualmente durante años - hecho totalmente condenable, pero condenables también las razones y la situación que llevo a Sara a tomar tal determinación.
Es que Sara estuvo expuesta desde la edad de 5 años a abusos por parte de las parejas - ocasionales o no- de su madre adicta. También fue víctima de golpes y el maltrato físico y psicológico, lo que conllevó que con sólo 11 años, Sara comenzara a huir de su casa e intente suicidarse. Sara fue expuesta por su propia madre a ser violada por hombres mayores de edad, incluso, a ser violada por varios hombres a la vez.
A esa misma edad, conoce a George, persona quien ganó su confianza y con los años abusó sexual y psicológicamente de ella, hasta convertirse en su explotador. Esta pesadilla duró 3 años, durante los cuales ella estuvo expuesta a situaciones muy peligrosas, además de los riesgos propios de la prostitución.
Este hombre la obligó a ejercer la prostitución, trabajando 12 horas por día, de 6 de la tarde a 6 de la mañana, desde los 13 hasta los 16.
Víctima de abuso, de abandono, de violación sexual, de explotación sexual, de esclavitud sexual y de un sistema que no pudo o no supo protegerla de su propia madre ni de las mafias que azotan en nuestro mundo, Sara asesinó a su proxeneta con sólo 16 años y fue condenada a prisión perpetua, más cuatro años sin la posibilidad de libertad condicional.
Durante sus años en la cárcel, Sara estudió y recibió un titulo universitario. Sara fue reconocida por su valentía y sus ganas de superación y desde allí, libra su batalla por niños y niñas que sufren lo que ella sufrió.
En 2010 el entonces-gobernador de California, Arnold Schwarzenegger conmutó su pena a 25 años de prisión con posibilidad de libertad condicional y su familia y organizaciones abolicionistas y de derechos humanos, continuaron pidiendo su libertad sin más demoras.]]>Malí, otra situación en la Corte Penal Internacionaltag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24886482013-01-16T13:06:04-05:002013-03-18T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
Hace apenas uns horas se anuncio que, efectivamente, la CPI comenzará una investigación, pero no es en Siria, sino en Malí.
Es por eso que en el mes de julio el mismo gobierno del país, reconociendo su incapacidad para llevar adelante investigaciones a nivel local, le solicitó formalmente a la Fiscalía de la CPI- encabezada por la gambiana Fatou Bensouda- seguir de cerca la situación para conocer la existencia o no de crímenes internacionales.
En el día de la fecha, la Fiscal se pronunció y decidió formalmente, comenzar las investigaciones.
De acuerdo con la Presidenta de la Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos Souhayr Belhassen, el comienzo de la investigación de la CPI por los crímenes cometidos en Malí "es un gran paso para poner fin a la impunidad, con la que viven los responsables de los crímenes". De acuerdo con Moctar Mariko, Presidente de la Asociación de Malí por los Derechos Humanos, "el sistema de justicia del país no puede abordar estos crímenes" y dado que "la CPI ha sido creada para este tipo de situaciones, es vital que intervenga y ayude a restaurar el Estado de Derecho."
Las ONG han informado sobre ejecuciones extrajudiciales, desapariciones forzadas, torturas, ataques a líderes políticos y periodistas, violaciones y otros crímenes de naturaleza sexual, reclutamiento de niños soldados, ataques a lugares sagrados y protegidos por ley, y por ultimo, ataques contra la población civil. Es por eso que el trabajo que debe llevar a cabo la Corte Penal Internacional debe ser muy cuidadoso, tomando en cuenta la cantidad de víctimas y comunidades que están siendo afectadas.
Por tal razón es indispensable llevar a cabo una tarea de sensibilización en el terreno, para que quienes sean afectados por los crímenes vean en la Corte a una aliada. Pero lo es también asegurar la protección y el bienestar de los testigos y garantizar la justicia, la verdad y la reparación.
La CPI es un tribunal independiente establecido en 2002 para investigar genocidio, crímenes de guerra, crímenes de lesa humanidad y agresión. No es retroactivo y es complementario a las jurisdicciones nacionales. Es un tribunal permanente y está facultado para ejercer su jurisdicción sobre personas respecto de los crímenes mas graves de trascendencia internacional. Por lo tanto, a diferencia del CIDH, del CIJ o del Tribual Europeo, la CPI no juzga Estados.
Toda su estructura ha sido pensada para que la CPI se desempeñe con total independencia y posee los mecanismos necesarios y suficientes para garantizar su imparcialidad y para evitar toda clase de casos politizados.]]>Violencia sexual en Siriatag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24741872013-01-14T16:01:58-05:002013-03-16T05:12:02-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/Lauren Wolfe comentó que 40% de las personas asesinadas en Homs son mujeres. Y que las violaciones sexuales en el contexto de la difícil situación del país, están a la orden del día desde el comienzo del conflicto, hace ya 22 meses. A esto se suma la información publicada hoy día por el periódico The Guardian, para ahondar un poco más en la difícil situación del país y de sus mujeres, en particular.
De acuerdo con el periódico las historias de violaciones a mujeres son "significativas y perturbadoras". Mujeres y niñas relataron al International Rescue Committee (IRC) haber sido atacadas en público y en sus hogares por hombres armados. A veces, las violaciones ocurrían en patota y generalmente, frente a miembros de sus familias.
Es desesperante ver que está sucediendo esta situación en el país y aun el Consejo de Seguridad no toma la decisión de remitir la situación a la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI)
En lo que se refiere específicamente a la violencia sexual, no soy nada original si digo que por desgracia, la práctica de utilizar la violencia sexual como arma de guerra no es algo nuevo. Si repasamos la historia vemos que en todos los conflictos armados- sea de carácter interno o internacional- siempre las mujeres (y los niños) son doblemente vulnerables. Justamente, Humanas (Chile) en uno de sus documentos informativos dice que en Rwanda, aproximadamente 500 mil mujeres fueron violadas durante el genocidio; en Sierra Leona, más del 50 por ciento de las mujeres sufrió alguna forma de violencia sexual durante el conflicto de 1999 y que en Bosnia- hace algo más de quince años- , entre 20 mil y 50 mil mujeres fueron violadas.
Creo que podríamos llenar páginas y páginas con cifras similares si contemplamos los casos de República Centroafricana, Malí o Darfur.
El Estatuto de Roma- que crea la Corte Penal Internacional- es novedoso por varios aspectos y uno de ellos es que identifica crímenes en contra de las mujeres como crímenes de lesa humanidad, crímenes de guerra y, en algunas instancias, genocidio. También crea las condiciones para que se modifiquen las legislaciones nacionales y para que incorporen los nuevos estándares jurídicos internacionales relacionados con violencia sexual y de género. Esto incluye también nuevas formas de procedimiento y prueba para las víctimas de violencia sexual, asegurándoles la debida protección y reparación.
Es que entre los delitos más graves del derecho internacional, existe una amplia gama de formas de violencia sexual, basada en el género de la víctima. Así la violación, la esclavitud sexual, la prostitución forzado, el embarazo forzado, las esterilizaciones forzadas, las persecuciones de género, el tráfico de personas, particularmente de mujeres y niños, y la violencia sexual son consideradas dentro de su jurisdicción, como crímenes de lesa humanidad.
El Estatuto de Roma dispone que los actos individuales de violación, esclavitud sexual, prostitución forzada, embarazo forzado, esterilización forzada y cualquier otro abuso sexual que constituya una violación o infracción grave del artículo 3 común a los Convenios de Ginebra de 1949, pueden ser causa de enjuiciamiento como crímenes de guerra si se cometen en conflictos armados internacionales o internos.
En el caso de la violación y otras formas de violencia sexual se ha definido -haciendo hincapié en los actos coercitivos del autor- e incluido las amenazas y la opresión psicológica, que más allá de la fuerza física. En vez de definir la violación en términos simplemente de penetración vaginal forzada con el pene, se hace una definición neutral desde el punto de vista del género (con lo que se reconoce que los niños y los hombres también pueden ser violados) y se habla en general de invasión del cuerpo de la víctima, lo que incluye violación con objetos y sexo oral forzado.
Muchas de estas prácticas se están llevando a cabo en Siria hoy día: creo que ya es hora que actúe el Consejo de Seguridad.]]>¿Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional?tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24740752013-01-14T15:39:01-05:002013-03-16T05:12:02-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/ 57 estados miembros de la ONU enviaron al Consejo de Seguridad una carta solicitándole remitir la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional (CPI) para investigar la comisión de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos.
Ahora está en manos del Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad o de alguno de los miembros convocar a una sesión especial para tratar la misiva y discutir el tema. Puede desembocar en la adopción de una resolución, aunque de acuerdo con información extra oficial, el tema se viene discutiendo desde hace ya largos días a nivel privado entre las distintas delegaciones.
En caso que esta misiva prospere y se adopte una resolución remitiendo la situación, no sería la primera vez que el Consejo de Seguridad, haciendo uso de su facultad como órgano encargado de preservar la paz y seguridad internacional, remita una situación a la CPI para su investigación. Las otras dos situaciones remitidas por el Consejo de Seguridad a la CPI fueron Darfur (2005) y Libia (2011), ambas bajo investigación actualmente.
Siria vive una situación muy difícil desde hace 22 meses, cuando comenzaron los enfrentamientos y la guerra. Se estima que casi 70mil personas han muerto, y se desconoced el número de desplazados, aunque se estima que es muy elevado. Más aun, frente a una situación humanitaria "muy preocupante"- según la misma ONU.
Desde noviembre de 2011 se ha venido documentando la situación en el país, y existe- de acuerdo a evidencia- un patrón recurrente de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos, tales como son torturas, ejecuciones extrajudiciales, arrestos arbitrarios, desapariciones forzadas, violencia sexual y violaciones. Estos crímenes- o casi todos ellos-, podrían ser sujeto de investigación de la Corte Penal Internacional.
De acuerdo con la carta, la situación en el terreno es "desesperante" y se registran "ataques a la población civil y la comisión de atrocidades que casi se han convertido en la norma". Entre los firmantes de la carta, están Chile, Paraguay, Costa Rica, Panamá y Uruguay.
"En caso que se remita la situación, ésta es imparcial y le daría a la CPI la competencia y la jurisdicción para investigar los crímenes cometidos por el gobierno sirio y por la oposición. Despojaría a todas las partes de su sentido de impunidad y mandaría un claro mensaje de que los abusos podrían conducirlos a una celda en una prisión de La Haya", dijo Balkess Jarrah, Consejero de Human Rights Watch en un comunicado divulgado hace algunas horas.
La CPI es un tribunal independiente establecido en 2002 para investigar genocidio, crímenes de guerra, crímenes de lesa humanidad y agresión. No es retroactivo y es complementario a las jurisdicciones nacionales. Es un tribunal permanente y está facultado para ejercer su jurisdicción sobre personas respecto de los crímenes mas graves de trascendencia internacional. Por lo tanto, a diferencia del CIDH, del CIJ o del Tribual Europeo, la CPI no juzga Estados.
Toda su estructura ha sido pensada para que la CPI se desempeñe con total independencia y posee los mecanismos necesarios y suficientes para garantizar su imparcialidad y para evitar toda clase de casos politizados.]]>Alrededor de un 'asado' en la ex ESMAtag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24413102013-01-09T13:48:50-05:002013-03-11T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
La ESMA - era la Escuela de Mecánica de la Armada - es, quizás, el sitio más emblemático de la dictadura militar y fue donde funcionó el mayor centro de detención clandestino de un gobierno que asesinó y desapareció alrededor de 30 mil personas entre 1976 y 1983. Se estima que allí más de 5,000 personas fueron arbitrariamente detenidas, torturadas y desaparecidas, pero sólo alrededor de 200 han sobrevivido. De acuerdo con testimonios corroborados judicialmente- y confesiones - muchos de los detenidos fueron arrojados al Río de la Plata desde aviones, en los llamados "vuelos de la muerte". Hoy, funciona en el predio de la ESMA un "Espacio para la Memoria y para la Promoción y Defensa de los Derechos Humanos".
Más de 600 casos han sido llevados ante tribunales nacionales desde el Juicio a las Juntas, celebrado en 1985, pero en 1986 el Congreso aprobó las leyes de Punto Final y de Obediencia Debida que inhibieron a los tribunales nacionales de investigar a militares de medio y bajo rango por su actuación durante el último gobierno militar. Quienes no fueron alcanzados por los estándares delineados por esas leyes, fueron beneficiados por los indultos otorgados por el entonces Presidente Carlos Menem.
Sin embargo, el entonces presidente Néstor Kirchner en 2003 promovió que el Congreso declarara nulas las leyes de amnistía y brindó jerarquía constitucional a la Convención sobre la imprescriptibilidad de los crímenes de guerra y de los crímenes de lesa humanidad. En 2006, la Corte Suprema declaró inconstitucionales las leyes de Punto Final y de Obediencia Debida. De esa forma se abrió el camino para la investigación y el enjuiciamiento de los crímenes cometidos en el pasado. Uno de los más resonantes es el llamado Mega Juicio ESMA, dividido en tres juicios, el último de ellos todavía pendiente de resolución.
El punto del conflicto de estos días es una parrillada.
El 27 de diciembre el Ministro de Justicia llevó a cabo una parrillada en la exESMA, algo que fue tomado por el arco opositor y por muchas víctimas y sus familiares como una gravísima afrenta a la memoria.
"Es como que hagan un asado en Auschwitz ... a nadie se le ocurriría. El tema es que el gobierno de Kirchner, que lleva ya cierto desgaste, ha acumulado mucho poder puesto que entre Cristina y su marido suman casi 10 años en la presidencia del país y han cooptado a muchas organizaciones que han trabajado por la memoria y la verdad," dijo Paola, familiar de desaparecidos.
Primero, el ministro negó la posibilidad y dijo que fue una "reunión donde se comieron sándwiches" y acusó a la oposición. De acuerdo con las declaraciones que hizo él mismo un programa oficialista, "el asado es una mentira, y hay cierta oposición que está desesperada porque, aunque se dice progresista, está al lado de Clarín y La Nación". Sin embargo, a días de esa declaración fue la Presidenta quien dijo que en la ex ESMA "se han hecho y se seguirán haciendo asados, festivales, reuniones, Hebe (de Bonafini) cocinando, el Canal Encuentro, (el programa para niños) Paka Paka". Y cuestionó las críticas que le hizo la oposición a Alak: "Políticos de partidos varios. Loros mediáticos "críticos" que repiten el libreto", refiriéndose así a las acusaciones por parte de los medios más poderosos del país.
El asado de alguna manera nos resulta trivial. Es cierto que existe una coincidencia macabra en el hecho de que para los represores el término "asado" refería a la cremación de cuerpos en la ESMA cuando las muertes sucedían antes de los miércoles, el día donde salían los tan conocidos "vuelos de la muerte".
Igual no nos ofende porque sabemos que es una desafortunada coincidencia. Tampoco nos molesta que haya música, teatro y demás. De hecho, se han celebrado en más de una oportunidad actividades culturales- abiertas al público general.
Lo que sí llama la atención es que ese asado haya sido un acto gubernamental.
Esto es lo sintomático y donde reside una crítica más profunda a la política de derechos humanos del gobierno: la apropiación de la bandera de los derechos humanos, algo que atañe a todos y por lo que muchos otros grupos políticos y organizaciones también lucharon. En esto no deberían haber banderas y hacer un uso partisano de una tragedia colectiva, como en el caso del asado en la ESMA, es lo reprochable. Esta apropiación ha llegado al extremo en que muchas veces hasta se desconoce el juicio a las Juntas Militares, experiencia valiente y única en el mundo, así como lo fue el trabajo de la CONADEP.
La crítica no debería pasar por la banalización de la lucha por los derechos humanos - algo de lo que muchos opositores oportunistas se han hecho eco. La crítica es recordarle al gobierno, reconociendo su labor, de que esta bandera no le es exclusiva, que en los derechos humanos no deberían haber bandos, por que son de todos los que los defienden, o al menos intentan hacerlo.
Parcializarse en esto corre el peligro de violación a futuro.
Coescrito con Matías Bianchi, el Director Fundador de Asuntos del Sur (ADS)]]>Al Bashir, One More Year at Largetag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24320122013-01-08T17:30:00-05:002013-03-10T05:12:01-04:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/any kind of accountability for crimes committed. Those who are indicted as the most responsible for the international criminal violations in Darfur by the International Criminal Court (ICC) remain at large and in the past years, we have seen President Omar Al Bashir being invited to and participating in different events, even, regrettably, on the territory of ICC States Parties.
But, first things first: the ICC has been involved in the Darfur situation, following upon a formal request of the UN Security Council, since 2005; it has issued five arrest warrants against four individuals, including the Head of State Omar Al Bashir, Abdel Raheem Hussein, Ahmad Harun, and Ali Kushayb. All of them remain at large and the refusal of the Sudanese government to cooperate with the Court has been consistent since that date. Plus, according to the latest report by ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda, Darfur's civilian population continues to be targeted by government forces, with the ongoing widespread occurrence of sexual and gender based violence, crimes against human rights defenders, civil society members and community leaders. The list of crimes goes on and on.
Just to give you an idea, the United Nations and other credible observers estimate that the wave of violence in the region may have killed as many as 500,000 people. We, as an international community continue to fail the victims.
Despite that horrific number and the lack of any investigations at the local level, since he was indicted, Bashir visited Kenya, Ethiopia, China, Egypt, Chad, Malawi, Qatar, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Iraq; and was invited to several other countries, including Venezuela, Turkey and Peru. Some of those countries are ICC States Parties, and therefore have the obligation to comply with the provisions of the Rome Statute. They should have arrested Bashir and transferred him to The Hague.
It is also important to note that when was invited to both Venezuela and Turkey, governments and activists from all over the world asked these States not to host Bashir. He ended up cancelling both visits.
But that did not happen when he was invited to Peru in 2012 for the Third Summit for South American and Arab countries. When I reached out to local authorities, they all said that for "protocol reasons, they 'believed' President al-Bashir was invited" and later suggested that the fact that Bashir was invited was irrelevant "because in the end, Bashir did not come to Peru".
This position was and is shocking: justifying an invitation for protocol and political reasons of an individual indicted for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes is not acceptable from any country. Hosting Bashir is being accomplice to a genocidal regime that continues to kill and rape its own population. If the international community is committed to stopping Bashir, stopping the slaughter of civilians, the rape and the starvation, then, political reasons should not interfere with but should respect and implement judicial decisions, such as the one taken by the ICC when it issued two arrest warrants for Bashir.
And this reminds me of a very important ruling from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, in which Brazilian Judge Antônio A. Cançado Trindade reminded us all that it shall never be forgotten that the State was originally conceived for the realization of the common good: the State exists for the human being, and not vice versa. I always try to keep this in mind when I try to understand some situations; especially, the one in the Sudan.]]>¿Nuevo juicio para Sara Kruzan?tag:www.huffingtonpost.com,2013:/theblog//3.24121002013-01-04T17:18:59-05:002013-03-06T05:12:01-05:00Mariana Rodriguez Parejahttp://www.huffingtonpost.com/mariana-rodriguez-pareja/
Hace algún tiempo escribí sobre Sara Kruzan, una mujer que purga la pena de cárcel por haber asesinado a su proxeneta en el Estado de Los Ángeles.
Pero no es tan fácil la historia, ni tan lineal, ni es resumible en este post.
Sara tiene casi mi edad, 35 años. Pero en vez de nacer en Buenos Aires, nació en Riverside, en un mes de enero. Su mamá era adicta a la cocaína y sufría de graves trastornos emocionales. Su papá, era exconvicto y adicto a la heroína. Ella, por tanto (y por desgracia) estuvo expuesta desde la edad de 5 años a abusos por parte de las parejas - ocasionales o no- de su madre. También vio a su mamá drogarse en varias oportunidades, y no era extraño tampoco verla teniendo sexo con distintos hombres.
Sara fue una niña golpeada, abusada psicológicamente y violada por hombres, e incluso, violada en patota- con el consentimiento de su propia madre.
Eso conllevó que con sólo 11 años, Sara comenzara a huir de su casa e intente suicidarse. Los servicios sociales incumplieron en su deber de protegerla y la restituían a su madre, aún ante su pedido desesperado de algo diferente.
Sara era una niña solitaria, perdida y vulnerable: una presa fácil para las redes que operan con menores de edad. Lo que explica el porqué, a esa misma edad, conoce a un tal George, quien luego de ganarse su confianza, comenzó a abusar sexualmente de ella y se convirtió en explotador.
Este hombre también la obligó a ejercer la prostitución, trabajando 12 horas por día, de 6 de la tarde a 6 de la mañana, desde los 13 hasta los 16.
Pero Sara quería algo más, e intentó huir. La única salida que encontró fue asesinando a George- crimen por el que fue condenada por asesinato en primer grado, con la pena de prisión perpetua, más cuatro años sin la posibilidad de libertad condicional.
Esto que relato salteando varios detalles fue lo que sucedió en 1994.
Que difícil resultó entender para muchos que Sara, ante todo, es una víctima.
Víctima de abuso, de abandono, de violación sexual, de explotación sexual, de esclavitud sexual y de un sistema que no pudo o no supo protegerla de su propia madre ni de las mafias que azotan en nuestro mundo.
Durante sus años en la cárcel, Sara estudió y recibió un titulo universitario. Sara fue reconocida por su valentía y sus ganas de superación y desde allí, libra su batalla por niños y niñas que sufren lo que ella sufrió.
En 2010 el entonces-gobernador de California, Señor Schwarzenegger conmutó su pena a 25 años de prisión con posibilidad de libertad condicional y su familia y organizaciones abolicionistas y de derechos humanos, continúan pidiendo su libertad sin más demoras.
Tal es así que hace días se informó que se habría alcanzado un acuerdo entre los abogados defensores de Sara y la Fiscalía de Riverside.
No es claro aún, según informa la prensa, si este acuerdo contempla la celebración de un nuevo juicio o el término de la pena de prisión.
La audiencia pública sobre el caso será el 11 de enero en la Corte de Riverside.
Estaremos atentos a ver qué sucede en este caso emblemático en los Estados Unidos, que tiene como centro a una víctima de un sistema que - a pesar de grandes esfuerzos- falla en proteger a los más vulnerables.]]>